Patriotism in the 21st century requires a new look – it is not limited to traditional forms of service or symbols. A modern approach to defence is being developed in Poland, which combines the growing awareness of threats with the active involvement of citizens, visible, m.in in voluntary participation in military training and other pro-defence initiatives.
Are we ready to follow this path, while consciously shaping the foundations of security for future generations? How do other countries and nations compare to this? – writes Lieutenant General Prof. Grzegorz Gielerak, MD, PhD, Director, Military Institute of Medicine – National Research Institute in Warsaw.
SW Research poll for Onet, examining the opinion of Poles on compulsory military training, reveals a clear difference between support for the idea itself and readiness for personal participation. More than half of the respondents (56.1%) are in favor of introducing mandatory military training for all adult men, 26.2% are against it, and 17.7% have no opinion.
This means that the concept enjoys public support – only one in four respondents expresses opposition. In this situation, the government could conclude that public consent to such a solution is relatively high, which is in line with the narrative of the article suggesting that “the government can be calm”. However, does this sense of security have a real basis?
An analysis of the public’s readiness to participate in military training reveals a significant dichotomy between general support for pro-defence initiatives and individual propensity to engage.
The survey shows that 39.8% of respondents declare their willingness to participate in military training in person, while 43% of respondents are against such involvement. The predominance of attitudes denying personal participation over declarations of readiness to participate is in stark contrast to the high general support for compulsory military training, which suggests that the mechanism of dispersed responsibility in national security matters is at work.
Defence and generations – common values, different approaches
Older generations, who remember the times of compulsory service, are more favorable to it than younger groups who grew up after its abolition. These differences are also visible in the declared readiness to participate in military training.
The youngest group (up to 24 years old) shows the least interest, of which only 33.6% of respondents express willingness to participate. In the 25-34 age group, this percentage rises to 41.6%, and among people aged 35-49 it reaches the highest level – 45%. Paradoxically, although people over 50 years of age most often support compulsory military training, their own willingness to participate is only 37.8%, which can be explained by the awareness of health limitations.
Despite this, even in this group, interest in training is higher than among the youngest adults.
The diversity of generational attitudes towards defence issues shows a clear correlation with the historical experience of individual demographic groups.
The youngest generation of Poles, growing up after the abolition of compulsory military service and in the conditions of relative security provided by NATO, shows greater scepticism about the issue of defence. It is this factor that greatly contributes to the limited interest in military training in the above-mentioned age group.
In contrast to younger cohorts, older generations – especially people whose biography covers the Cold War period, the reality of the People’s Republic of Poland, or who internalized generational messages about the experiences of World War II – show a stronger sense of civic duty in the context of involvement in activities strengthening the defense potential of the state.
Author. Military Institute of Medicine – National Research Institute
The evolution of public sentiment in Poland – growing awareness of threats and readiness for defensive actions.
The opinions of Poles on defence and compulsory military service have evolved significantly in recent years, especially in the context of dynamic changes in the security situation in the region. A few years ago, the public was skeptical about compulsory military service.
It was mainly related to concerns about the restriction of personal freedom, doubts about the effectiveness of compulsory conscription, and the belief that the country’s defense should be based primarily on a professional professional army.
Perception of security threatsin Polish society strongly correlates with the geographical proximity of active zones of armed conflict. In this respect, Poland shows similarities to the Baltic states, while at the same time distinguishing itself from Western European countries, where greater geographical distance mitigates the public perception of threats.
Surveys conducted before the start of the war in Ukraine indicate that the majority of Poles were against compulsory conscription – in October 2022, only 35.7% of respondents supported the reintroduction of conscription, while as many as 57.1% were against it. At the beginning of 2023, only about 30% of respondents supported compulsory military service for women and men, and 60% opposed the widespread conscription of people with military qualifications, which clearly indicates that skepticism about compulsory service prevailed before the escalation of the war in Ukraine.
This situation has changed significantly over the past year. In the face of the ongoing war in Ukraine, growing threats from Russia, and the government’s efforts to promote defense, public opinion has begun to be more favorable to the idea of universal military training.
The latest polls from 2023-2024 indicate a clear increase in public support – in mid-2023, more than half of Poles were in favor of reinstating compulsory military service, and a survey from the end of the same year confirmed this trend, indicating 56% support for mandatory military training for men.
At the same time, the percentage of strong opponents of this concept is decreasing, which proves a significant change in public opinion in the last several months.
The reasons for this change should be sought primarily in the increase in the sense of war threat. Experts from the Centre for Eastern Studies emphasize that Poles are increasingly aware of the threats resulting from the close proximity of the ongoing conflict and the uncertainty about the guaranteed protection from their allies.
This results in a growing conviction that Poland should first rely on its own forces and defense capabilities. A significant indicator of this situation is also the attitude of citizens to a potential conflict on the territory of the country.
According to a Pollster survey for “Super Express”, as many as 65% of Poles declared that they would not leave the country in the event of war, which proves the growing readiness not only to remain in a threatening situation, but also to actively participate in defense. While a few years ago a similar question was purely hypothetical, today it reflects a real social change – Poles treat the possibility of armed conflict with greater seriousness and more and more often declare their readiness to take defensive action.
Security and society: how Europe and the world are redefining military service?
The United Kingdom has a well-established model of professional armed forces, resulting from the abolition of compulsory conscription in 1960. This long-term evolution of the defence system has shaped stable social expectations towards the organisation of the armed forces in a professional formula.
YouGov research shows a clear opposition of the British public to compulsory military service – in the latest poll, only 28% of respondents supported one-year training, while as many as 64% strongly opposed it. A key trend in British society is a clear preference for voluntary programmes. In all variants of voluntary service – both military and social – the majority of respondents expressed support, while none of the compulsory models received approval exceeding 50%.
The above data indicate that the British public strongly prefers solutions based on incentive mechanisms instead of coercion. The concept of a month-long voluntary commitment, implemented in the form of community service or short military training, enjoys significant support, oscillating between 64-72%.
At the same time, the United Kingdom ranks relatively low in international rankings of readiness to defend the country – only 27% of citizens declare their willingness to participate in the defence of their homeland. This indicator is in line with the general trend characteristic of Western European societies, but remains significantly lower than in Poland (47% in the same survey) and in many non-European countries.
The profile of public attitudes indicates that an effective strategy to increase defence engagement in the UK should focus on developing voluntary forms of participation, supported by a variety of institutional and structural incentives.
In the Federal Republic of Germany, the suspension of compulsory military service in 2011 established a model of national defence based on a professional army, and for the next decade a socio-political consensus opposing it prevailed Restoring. This change in approach took place in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war, which significantly affected the perception of security in German society. Current research confirms a significant change in public opinion. According to a June 2024 YouGov poll for Welt am Sonntag, 60% of Germans support the reintroduction of compulsory military service, while 32% oppose it.
Similar results were obtained by a survey by the Forsa institute, in which 52% of respondents were in favor of reinstating conscription, and 43% were against. Gender gaps are particularly pronounced, with 68% of young women opposed to conscription, compared to 52% of young men. The generational divide in Germany, as in Poland, shows that younger generations oppose compulsory military service, while older groups show more support, suggesting that opinion is shaped primarily by regional and historical factors, and not just by the specifics of individual countries.
France abolished compulsory military service in 1997, but during the presidency of Emmanuel Macron, the issue of its restoration returned, which resulted in the introduction of the voluntary Service National Universe program, combining elements of a military camp and social volunteering.
According to the latest survey by the think-tank Destin Commun, as many as 60% of French people are in favor of the return of compulsory military service. Support for the reintroduction of conscription strongly depends on age and political orientation. Among people over 65 years of age, as many as 72% support the restoration of compulsory military service, while in the 18-24 age group this percentage is only 43%. Despite these differences, the majority of French people are in favor of young people receiving military training at least for a while.
Security concerns are widespread, with 76% of French people fearing the conflict spreading to Europe, and 60% believing it likely that Russia will attack more countries in the coming years.
The French – like the Poles and Germans – under the influence of the growing threat, are re-aware of the value of military service, although not so long ago it was perceived as a relic of the past.
In the United States, there is a professional army, but at the same time a high level of readiness to defend the country
Author. U.S. Army Reserve photo Staff Sgt. Tristan Peete
The United States has been basing its armed forces on a professional army since 1973. Traditionally, Americans highly value the voluntary nature of military service, although the idea of nationwide service – not only military service – periodically returns in public discussions.
According to a 2017 Gallup poll, 49% of Americans supported the introduction of a mandatory one-year period of service for young people (military or community service), while 45% were against it.
The division of opinions on compulsory military service is almost equal, but opposition to this solution is particularly strong among young adults – as many as 57% of people under 30 are against it.
In the United States, however, the debate has a broader dimension, encompassing not only military service, but also various forms of “national service”, such as work in the Peace Corps, AmeriCorps or medical service, which provide an alternative for those reluctant to serve in the military.
This approach increases social acceptance by involving people with different views and predispositions, which fosters social integration and the development of practical civic competences.
A 2023 study found that as many as 75% of young Americans aged 18-24 would support mandatory service, provided that the choice between civilian and military service is provided and the system is fairly implemented.
Currently, the U.S. does not plan to reinstate compulsory conscription, but actively encourages citizens to voluntarily join the army.
According to a survey conducted for the U.S. Army Association, just over half of Americans say they would encourage a loved one to join the military, indicating a moderate level of trust in the military as a choice of life. Historically, the willingness of Americans to fight for the country has been higher than in Western Europe. According to the latest research from 2024, this percentage is 41% and remains stable, while a downward trend is observed in Western Europe.
In the Russian Federation, the basic service still exists, although a professional army operates at the same time. Traditionally, Russian propaganda creates an image of a patriotic duty to defend the Motherland, which could suggest high public support for military service.
A few years ago, surveys indicated that Russians were among the nations most willing to declare their readiness to fight for their country – in 2014, as many as 59% of respondents answered yes to this questionno, while in Germany it was 18%, in France 29%, and in Poland 47%. However, the war in Ukraine has significantly changed this situation.
Many young men are trying to avoid conscription and mobilization – after the announcement of “partial mobilization” in September 2022, tens of thousands of Russians fled abroad to avoid being sent to the front. Polls conducted in Russia – both by state institutions and independent research centres – suggest that public support for the war is passive rather than enthusiastic.
At the end of 2023, most Russians were clearly opposed to the idea of a second wave of mobilization. In an anonymous poll from 2023/24, the percentage of Russians declaring their readiness to fight for the country fell dramatically to 32%.
At the same time, as many as 48% of respondents chose the answer “I don’t know”, which may be due to both the fear of an honest declaration – due to the criminalisation of opposition to the war – and genuine uncertainty. The real experience of a bloody war has weakened the public’s willingness to sacrifice, while conscription remains an integral part of the system and is not officially questioned.
However, the public mood indicates growing fatigue and reluctance to participate in the war in person. This paradox shows that despite the image of Russians as a nation capable of sacrifice, they are not “hard as a rock” – like all people, they have their fears, self-preservation instinct and boundaries that they do not want to cross. The fear of war, death and coercion turns out to be stronger than ideological declarations. As Dostoyevsky wrote in
The Brothers Karamazov: “Man is wide, too wide, that’s a misfortune” – he can declare his readiness to fight for the Fatherland, but when reality presents him with a brutal choice, he just as quickly begins to look for a way to escape.
Modern patriotism: the evolution of Poles’ attitudes towards defence and security – how to effectively build a society ready for the challenges and threats of the present day?
An analysis of the above information leads to several key conclusions. First, Poles recognize the importance of defense and mostly support initiatives that strengthen the country’s security, such as universal military training. However, individual motivation to participate in personal ministry is weaker—especially among youth and women.
Second, there is a clear generational divide: older generations are more likely to sacrifice and patriotism in the traditional sense, while younger generations are skeptical of mandatory forms of service. However, this does not mean that they are less patriotic – their approach to their homeland can take other forms. Third, gender differences suggest that men remain the primary target of defence policies.
This does not mean, however, that the role of women should be ignored – women support the idea of defense, although they are more often involved in activities outside of direct combat. Fourthly, there is a growing awareness of threats in Poland and acceptance of the concept of “universal defence” as a response to the international situation.
Finally, compared to other countries, Poland is closer to threatened countries, such as France or Ukraine, than to those that feel full and safe. Readiness to defend increases when the threat becomes real, which raises the question: what actions can effectively increase social involvement and the sense of shared responsibility for the security of the country in the face of the challenges of the 21st century?
- Facilitating voluntary military training: Instead of immediately reinstating full coercion, it is worth developing voluntary military training programs for those who are willing. The Ministry of National Defense is already conducting such initiatives as the Voluntary Basic Military Service. This project arouses interest and supports the development of defense culture, so it is worth continuing and developing it. The state should invest in infrastructure, such as shooting ranges and training grounds accessible to civilians, as well as conduct information campaigns that encourage participation in training and explain its importance. It seems particularly important to introduce flexible and modern training methods, such as IT and communications, battlefield medicine or logistics, which allow participants to precisely adjust their development paths to their individual predispositions and career plans. In order to ensure high quality of education, it is also necessary to engage qualified instructors who guarantee not only reliable transfer of theoretical knowledge, but also provide mentoring support. In the long run, participating in these types of initiatives translates into numerous benefits, including increased self-confidence, the development of social skills and increased mental resilience.
- Gradual familiarization of the society with the concept of universal defense: the government should workconduct public and expert consultations on the possible reinstatement of compulsory military service, for example as a time-limited or selective conscription. In communication, it should be emphasized that the goal is not to immediately conscript all eighteen-year-olds into the army, but to rebuild reserves and prepare for potential threats. It is crucial that the public understands the sense of conscription, because awareness of its purpose will make it easier to accept possible changes. One of the transitional solutions could be a short, compulsory survival and safety school for young people for a few weeks instead of full-year service. Such a model would provide basic military and defense skills, but would not disorganize professional or educational life.
- The Ministry of National Defense and the government may introduce a system of incentives economic and educational programmes for citizens undertaking military training or service in the reserve, including discounts on studies, preferences in recruitment to public administration, financial allowances and payment of specialist courses for reservists. Volunteers are already paid for their voluntary basic service, but extending the benefits package could convince more hesitant young people. The state should also promote the “citizen-soldier” model, i.e. the possibility of leading a normal civilian life with occasional military training – following the example of the National Guard in the USA or the Territorial Defense Forces in Poland.
- Support for pro-defence organisations: The state and local governments should support these initiatives both logistically and financially, as they complement the activities of the army and engage young people in the subject of defence. Such organizations effectively reach young people interested in the military, offering attractive forms of spending time and at the same time shaping patriotic attitudes. Cooperation between schools and shooting or scouting organizations can instill in young people a sense of responsibility for the security of the country.
- Building local communities committed to security: at the level of municipalities and districts, it is worth developing initiatives such as “Civil Defence 2.0”, including training in first aid, crisis response and the basics of self-defence. Such activities can be organized by the Voluntary Fire Brigade, crisis centers and social organizations, integrating residents around safety issues. It is crucial that the defense of the country starts from the bottom up – in local communities. People who know alarm procedures, can operate fire extinguishers or provide first aid feel part of a larger defense effort. This also reduces the sense of fear – a conscious and trained citizen is less afraid and more knows how to act in a threatening situation.
- Promoting civic and pro-defence attitudes outside the military: Defense of the country is not only military operations, but also cyber, energy and information security. Social organizations can engage various social groups, e.g. students, through competitions of knowledge about safety. The more forms of involvement available, the more people will find a suitable role in the defense system. Not everyone has to become a soldier – defense can also be supported as a volunteer, engineer, rescuer or cybersecurity specialist. Civil society should emphasize that there is a place for everyone in the defence of the Homeland.
- Education through the media: Both public and private media have an important role to play in normalising military and defence topics. They should reliably inform about threats and defense needs, but avoid sowing panic. It is worth creating documentaries about the army, articles explaining to citizens their obligations in the situation of an armed conflict, e.g. who is subject to mobilization, what military qualification is, as well as reports from military exercises with the participation of civilians. The more the society gets used to the idea that defending the country is also its responsibility, the less shocking will be the possible call for real action.
- Strengthening education for safety: in Polish schools, there is a subject of Education for Security, covering, among m.in, the basics of defence, first aid and behaviour in emergency situations. It is worth looking at its curriculum and teaching method to increase its practical dimension. Instead of focusing on dry theory, such as learning alarm signs, classes should include more practical exercises, such as shooting on simulators or a sports shooting range, or topography in the field. Young people are more willing to engage in tangible and dynamic activities than in purely theoretical lectures. School camps with a profile ofRonny, e.g. week-long survival camps organized in cooperation with the military, which would be part of the program for older grades. If a young person, at an early stage of his development, is introduced to even a substitute for military training in safe, controlled conditions, it will become something familiar to him, not foreign; something that builds character instead of arousing fear. A young person who crosses the first threshold of his or her own limitations in a controlled environment will later find it easier to face real challenges, because what was previously feared will become closer to him. As Seneca said: “Courage does not consist in the absence of fear, but in overcoming it” – early contact with elements of military service allows for such overcoming of fear and the development of inner strength.
- Shaping patriotic attitudes of the new generation: The patriotism of young people does not have to look the same as that of previous generations, but schools and universities should make people aware that independence is not given once and for all. Shaping the attitude of a “citizen-soldier” is a long process. The anthems and appeals of the fallen alone will not increase readiness for action if they are not accompanied by a living example and an open discussion of civic values and duties. School should not only teach critical thinking, but also show that there are issues, such as freedom and security, in which it is sometimes necessary to act together across divisions.
Si vis pacem, para bellum
Public support for strengthening defence in Poland reaches high indicators, which is a strategic capital that requires effective use. The key challenge remains to transform declarative approval into real civic engagement, while avoiding excessive fear or social opposition.
Bottom-up initiatives and voluntary participation mechanisms can become the foundation of a comprehensive security culture, but their effectiveness depends on institutional support. The government, the Ministry of National Defence and educational institutions should ensure appropriate coordination, strategic direction and scale of activities to maximise the social potential. History teaches us that Poles have repeatedly demonstrated extraordinary courage, sacrifice and determination, successfully mobilizing in moments of the greatest trial.
But true wisdom does not lie in improvising in the face of a crisis, but in consistent, deliberate, and orderly preparation for it. Therefore, our most important duty today is to create systemic solutions that will ensure effective organization and professional mobilization training in peacetime.
Only well-thought-out, long-term actions will allow us to build lasting foundations for the security of the state and guarantee the gift of independence to future generations.
Lieutenant General Prof. Grzegorz Gielerak, MD, PhD, Director, Military Institute of Medicine – National Research Institute in Warsaw
